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Catholic Church and politics in the United States

Members of the Catholic Church have been active in the elections of the United States since the mid 19th century. Indeed, the Irish came to dominate the Democratic Party in many cities. The U.S. has never had religious parties (unlike much of the world). There has never been an American Catholic religious party, either local, state or national.

In 1776 Catholics comprised less than 1% of the population of the new nation, but their presence grew rapidly after 1840 with immigration from Germany, Ireland, (and later from Italy, Poland and elsewhere in Catholic Europe from 1840 to 1914, and also from Latin America in the 20th and 21st centuries. Catholics now comprise 25% to 27% of the national vote, with over 68 million members today. 85% of today's Catholics report their faith to be "somewhat" to "very important" to them.[1][2] From the mid-19th century down to 1964 Catholics were solidly Democratic, sometimes at the 80%-90% level. From the 1930s to the 1950s Catholics formed a core part of the New Deal Coalition, with overlapping memberships in the Church, labor unions, big city machines, and the working class, all of which promoted liberal policy positions in domestic affairs and anti-communism during the Cold War. Since the election of a Catholic President in 1960, Catholics have split about 50-50 between the two major parties in national elections. With the decline of unions and big city machines, and with upward mobility into the middle classes, Catholics have drifted away from liberalism and toward conservatism on economic issues (such as taxes). Since the end of the Cold War, their strong anti-Communism has faded in importance. On social issues the Catholic Church takes strong positions against abortion and same-sex marriage and has formed coalitions with Protestant evangelicals.[3] In 2015 the Catholic Church has acknowledged a man-made climate change caused by burning fossil fuels. The church says the warming of the planet is rooted in a throwaway culture and the developed world's indifference to the destruction of the planet as it pursues short-term economic gains. The positions of the Church were laid out in encyclical Laudato si'. The publication by Pope Francis puts pressure on Catholics seeking the Republican Party nomination for president of the United States in 2016, including Jeb Bush, Marco Rubio, and Rick Santorum, who "have questioned or denied the established science of human-caused climate change, and have harshly criticized policies designed to tax or regulate the burning of fossil fuels." [4]

Religious tensions were major issues in the presidential elections of [5] 2012 was the first election where both major party vice presidential candidates were Catholic, Joe Biden and Paul Ryan.

Currently there are 25 Catholics in the United States Senate, 16 Democrats, 9 Republicans, and 134 (out of 435) Catholics in the United States House of Representatives, including the current House Speaker John Boehner. In 2008, Joe Biden became the first Catholic to be elected Vice President of the United States.


  • 19th century 1
    • Catholics and urban America 1.1
    • Labor union movement 1.2
  • 20th century 2
    • Bishops' Program of Social Reconstruction 2.1
    • Defense of parochial school system 2.2
    • Catholic Worker Movement 2.3
      • National Catholic Welfare Conference 2.3.1
    • 1930s 2.4
    • Catholic Conference on Industrial Problems 2.5
  • Party affiliation 3
  • Presidential elections 4
    • 1928 Presidential election 4.1
    • 1960 Presidential election 4.2
  • Representation in government 5
    • Congress 5.1
    • Supreme Court 5.2
    • Executive branch 5.3
  • Present day 6
    • Catholic Answers voting guides 6.1
    • LGBT rights 6.2
    • Abortion 6.3
    • Birth control 6.4
    • Immigration 6.5
  • See also 7
  • Bibliography 8
  • References 9
  • Further reading 10
    • Historiography 10.1
  • External links 11

19th century

Before 1840 Catholics constituted a small minority and therefore played a relatively minor role in early American history.[6] Only in Maryland were there significant numbers, and Baltimore became an early Catholic center. During the American Revolution until the late 18th century, about 1% of the American population (about 30,000) was Catholic. Still, Catholics were among the Founding Fathers and part of the First Congress; Daniel Carroll serving Maryland's 6th congressional district,[7] and Charles Carroll of Carrollton serving as the first senator from Maryland.[8] Presidential candidates did not seek Catholic votes until Andrew Jackson and Henry Clay did so in 1832.[6]

Catholics and urban America

The role of Catholics in American culture and elections changed dramatically as a result of the mass immigration of Catholics from Europe, especially anti-Catholicism to grow, including the short-lived Know Nothings party in the 1850s which demanded a purification of elections and statutes from Catholic influence.[6]

Many Catholics served in the Civil War armies, both North and South, and the bishops rejected the antiwar and anti-draft sentiments of some members. The rapid rise of the Irish out of poverty, and the continued growth in membership, especially in industrial and urban areas, made the church the largest denomination in the U.S. Distrusting public schools dominated by Protestants, Catholics built their own network of parochial elementary schools (and, later, high schools), as well as colleges, and public funding for parochial schools was a controversial issue.[6] As the Bennett Law episode in 1890 in Wisconsin demonstrated, Catholics were willing to cooperate politically with German Lutherans to protect their parochial schools. A distinct Catholic vote existed, however; in the late 19th century, 75% of Irish and German Catholics in America voted for Democratic presidential candidates. [6] The Irish increasingly controlled the Democratic party machinery in major cities.[11]

Religious lines were sharply drawn in the North in the Third Party System that lasted from the 1850s to the 1890s. (In the South the Catholics voted the same as Protestants, with race as the main dividing line.)[12] Methodists, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Scandinavian Lutherans and other Protestant pietists in the North were tightly linked to the GOP. In sharp contrast, liturgical groups, especially the Catholics, Episcopalians, and German Lutherans, looked to the Democratic Party for protection from pietistic moralism, especially prohibition. While both parties cut across economic class structures, the Democrats were supported more heavily by its lower tiers.

Cultural issues, especially prohibition and foreign language schools, became important because of the sharp religious divisions in the electorate. In the North, about 50% of the voters were pietistic Protestants who believed the government should be used to reduce social sins, such as drinking. Liturgical churches comprised over a quarter of the vote and wanted the government to stay out of personal morality issues. Prohibition debates and referendums heated up elections in most states over a period of decades, as national prohibition was finally passed in 1918 (and repealed in 1932), serving as a major issue between the wet Democrats and the dry GOP.[12]

Voting Behavior by Religion, Northern USA Late 19th century
Religion % Dem % GOP
Irish Catholics 80 20
All Catholics 70 30
Confessional German Lutherans 65 35
German Reformed 60 40
French Canadian Catholics 50 50
Less Confessional German Lutherans 45 55
English Canadians 40 60
British Stock 35 65
German Sectarians 30 70
Norwegian Lutherans 20 80
Swedish Lutherans 15 85
Haugean Norwegians 5 95
Northern Stock
Quakers 5 95
Free Will Baptists 20 80
Congregational 25 75
Methodists 25 75
Regular Baptists 35 65
Blacks 40 60
Presbyterians 40 60
Episcopalians 45 55
Southern Stock
Disciples 50 50
Presbyterians 70 30
Baptists 75 25
Methodists 90 10
Source: Paul Kleppner, The Third Electoral System 1853-1892 (1979) p. 182

Labor union movement

The Catholic Church exercised a prominent role in shaping America's labor movement. From the onset of significant immigration in the 1840s, the Church in the United States was predominantly urban, with both its leaders and congregants usually of the laboring classes. Over the course of the second half of the nineteenth century, nativism, anti-Catholicism, and anti-unionism coalesced in Republican elections, and Catholics gravitated toward unions and the Democratic Party.[6]

The Terence Powderly, its president from 1881 onward).

In Rerum novarum (1891), Pope Leo XIII criticized the concentration of wealth and power, spoke out against the abuses that workers faced and demanded that workers should be granted certain rights and safety regulations. He upheld the right of voluntary association, specifically commending labor unions. At the same time, he reiterated the Church’s defense of private property, condemned socialism, and emphasized the need for Catholics to form and join unions that were not compromised by secular and revolutionary ideologies.[13]

Rerum novarum provided new impetus for Catholics to become active in the labor movement, even if its exhortation to form specifically Catholic labor unions was widely interpreted as irrelevant to the pluralist context of the United States. While atheism underpinned many European unions and stimulated Catholic unionists to form separate labor federations, the religious neutrality of unions in the U.S. provided no such impetus. American Catholics seldom dominated unions, but they exerted influence across organized labor. Catholic union members and leaders played important roles in steering American unions away from socialism.

20th century

By 1900, Catholics represented 14 percent of the total U.S. population, soon became the single largest religious denomination in the country.[14] Still, Catholics did not hold many high offices in government. Of the first 54 justices on the United States Supreme Court, one was Catholic, Roger B. Taney, appointed in 1836.

Bishops' Program of Social Reconstruction

Following World War I, many hoped that a new commitment to social reform would characterize the ensuing peace. The Council saw an opportunity to use its national voice to shape reform and in April 1918 created a Committee for Reconstruction. John A. Ryan wrote the Bishops' Program of Social Reconstruction. Combining Progressive thought and Catholic theology, Ryan believed that government intervention was the most effective means of affecting positive change for his church as well as working people and the poor.

On February 12, 1919, the National Catholic War Council issued the "Bishops' Program of Social Reconstruction," through a carefully planned public relations campaign.

The Program received a mixed reception both within the Church and outside it. The National Catholic War Council was a voluntary organization with no canonical status. Its ability to speak authoritatively was thus questioned. Many bishops threw their support behind the Program, but some, like Bishop William Turner of Buffalo, and more notably, William Henry O'Connell of Boston, opposed it. O'Connell believed some aspects of the plan smacked too much of socialism. Response outside the Church was also divided: labor organizations backing it, for example, and business groups criticizing it.

Defense of parochial school system

After World War I, some states concerned about the influence of immigrants and "foreign" values looked to public schools for help. The states drafted laws designed to use schools to promote a common American culture.

In 1921, the Ku Klux Klan arrived in Oregon and quickly attracted as many as 14,000 members, establishing 58 klaverns by the end of 1922. Given the small population of non-white minorities outside Portland, the Oregon Klan directed its attention almost exclusively against Catholics, who numbered about 8% of the population.

In 1922, the Masonic Grand Lodge of Oregon sponsored a bill to require all school-age children to attend public schools. With support of the Klan and Democratic Governor Walter M. Pierce, endorsed by the Klan, the Compulsory Education Act was passed by a vote of 115,506 to 103,685. Its primary purpose was to shut down Catholic schools in Oregon, but it also affected other private and military schools. The constitutionality of the law was challenged in court and ultimately struck down by the Supreme Court in Pierce v. Society of Sisters (1925) before it went into effect.[15]

The law caused outraged Catholics to organize locally and nationally for the right to send their children to Catholic schools. In Pierce v. Society of Sisters (1925), the United States Supreme Court declared the Oregon's Compulsory Education Act unconstitutional in a ruling that that has been called "the Magna Carta of the parochial school system."

Pope Pius XI

, in 1929, explicitly referenced this Supreme Court case in his encyclical Divini illius magistri[16] on Catholic education. He quoted in a footnote the part of the case that says:

The fundamental theory of liberty upon which all governments in this Union repose excludes any general power of the State to standardize its children by forcing them to accept instruction from public teachers only. The child is not the mere creature of the State; those who nurture him and direct his destiny have the right coupled with the high duty, to recognize, and prepare him for additional duties.

Catholic Worker Movement

The Catholic Worker movement began as a means to combine Dorothy Day's history in American social activism, anarchism, and pacifism with the tenets of Catholicism (including a strong current of distributism), five years after her 1927 conversion.[17] The group started with the Catholic Worker newspaper, created to promote Catholic social teaching and stake out a neutral, pacifist position in the war-torn 1930s. This grew into a "house of hospitality" in the slums of New York City and then a series of farms for people to live together communally. The movement quickly spread to other cities in the United States, and to Canada and the United Kingdom; more than 30 independent but affiliated CW communities had been founded by 1941. Well over 100 communities exist today, including several in Australia, the United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, The Netherlands, the Republic of Ireland, Mexico, New Zealand, and Sweden.[18]

National Catholic Welfare Conference

See: National Catholic Welfare Council#National Catholic Welfare Conference


Historian John McGreevey notes: "Priests across the country in the 1930s encouraged their parishioners to join unions, and some like Pittsburgh's Monsignor Charles Rice, Detroit's Frederick Siedenberg, and Buffalo's Monsignor John P.Boland, served on regional labor boards and played key roles in workplace negotiations." The Catholic Worker Movement and Dorothy Day grew out of the same impetuses to put Catholic social teaching into action.

Catholic Conference on Industrial Problems

The Catholic Conference on Industrial Problems (1923–1937) was conceived by Fr. Raymond McGowan as a way of bringing together Catholic leaders in the fields of theology, labor, and business, with a view to promoting awareness and discussion of Catholic social teaching. Its first meeting was held in Milwaukee. While it was the venue for important discussions during its existence, its demise was due in part to lack of participation by business executives who perceived the dominant tone of the group as anti-business.

Party affiliation

Before the 1960s, Catholics were seen as staunch Democrats. The Democratic Party ran Al Smith, the first Catholic presidential candidate by a major party, in 1928, and, except when the ticket was headed by a Southern candidate, has nominated a Catholic for president or vice president in every election since 1960 except for 1988 (where a Greek Orthodox, Michael Dukakis, was the presidential nominee).

Since the 1960s, the Catholic vote has come to reflect the nation as a whole instead of being predominantly Democratic.[6] In the 60s and early 70s, a number of Catholics and Southern whites abandoned their traditional affiliation with the Democratic party and began to support the Republican party. This shift is evidenced by the fact that Nixon received 33% of the Catholic vote in the 1968 election compared to 52% in 1972. As a group, Catholics represented a quarter of the nation's electorate and were now one of the nation's largest swing groups. Both parties began to aggressively woo both the Catholic voters. Although the Catholic hierarchy could not dictate who Catholics voted for, they did have a substantial influence over the faithful in their dioceses. Politicians were aware that the bishops could direct significant time, energy and money to support the issues that were important to them. From their perspective, the bishops were eager to regain some of the influence that their predecessors had wielded in the earlier part of the 20th century.[19]

In his successful Michael Dukakis, making 1988 the third presidential election in a row in which Catholics failed to support the Democratic candidate as they traditionally did.[20]:186–187,191–192,194

Although about one third of Catholics voted for Bush's reelection in 1994, when for the first time in history Democrats did not receive a majority of Catholic votes in elections for the House of Representatives; as with 1992, the Catholic vote split resembled that of the overall electorate. This trend reversed slightly in 1996, when Clinton's share of Catholics was four percentage points ahead of overall, and they comprised about half of the margin between him and the unsuccessful challenger Robert Dole. The 1990s ended, however, with Catholics as "the largest swing vote in American politics."[20]:200–201,207,218

Their party independence continued into 2000, and Catholics became the large religious grouping that most closely reflected the total electorate, ahead of 2000 election. 52% of Catholics voted for Bush's successful reelection compared to 47% for the Catholic John Kerry in 2004, versus 51% to 48% overall.[6] Barack Obama, who chose the Catholic Joe Biden as his running mate, received 54% of the Catholic vote in 2008 compared to John McCain's 45%, close to the overall 52% to 46%.[21] In 2012 Obama and Biden faced Mitt Romney and the Catholic Paul Ryan. Obama won 50% of the Catholic vote to Romney's 48%, close to their 51% and 47%, respectively, of the overall vote.[22]

Presidential elections

This chart shows the Democrat/Republican split of the Catholic vote in elections since 1948. Catholics and cases where the Catholics voted for the national winner are in bold.

Year Election Winner Party Catholic Vote %D - %R Election Loser
1948 Harry Truman / Alben Barkley Democratic 65-35[23] Thomas Dewey / Earl Warren
1952 Dwight D. Eisenhower / Richard Nixon Republican 56-44/52-48[5]/51-49[23] Adlai Stevenson / John Sparkman
1956 Dwight D. Eisenhower / Richard Nixon Republican 51-49/46-54[5]/45-55[23] Adlai Stevenson / Estes Kefauver
1960 John F. Kennedy / Lyndon B. Johnson Democratic 78-22/82-18[5] Richard Nixon / Henry Cabot Lodge
1964 Lyndon B. Johnson / Hubert Humphrey Democratic 76-24/79-21[5]/78-22[23] Barry Goldwater / William Miller
1968 Richard Nixon / Spiro Agnew Republican 59-33/56-37[5]/55-37[23] Hubert Humphrey / Edmund Muskie
1972 Richard Nixon / Spiro Agnew Republican 48-52/39-59/44-54[5]/37-63[23] Tom Eagleton, Sargent Shriver
1976 Jimmy Carter / Walter Mondale Democratic 57-41/54-44[5]/56-44[23] Gerald Ford / Bob Dole
1980 George H. W. Bush Republican 46-47/41-50/42-49[5]/42-46[23]/47-50[20]:185 Jimmy Carter / Walter Mondale
1984 Ronald Reagan / George H. W. Bush Republican 39-61/46-54/45-54[5]/44-56[23] Walter Mondale / Geraldine Ferraro
1988 George H. W. Bush / Dan Quayle Republican 51-49/52-47/47-52[5]/52-48[23] Michael Dukakis / Lloyd Bentsen
1992 Bill Clinton / Al Gore Democratic 47-35/50-30/46-36[5]/44-35[20]:202 George H. W. Bush / Dan Quayle
1996 Bill Clinton / Al Gore Democratic 55-35/55-37/53-37[5] Bob Dole / Jack Kemp
2000 Dick Cheney Republican 52-46/50-49/50-47[5] Al Gore / Joe Lieberman
2004 George W. Bush / Dick Cheney Republican 52-48/51-48/47-52[5] John Kerry / John Edwards
2008 Barack Obama / Joe Biden Democratic 53-47/57-43/54-45[5] John McCain / Sarah Palin
2012 Barack Obama / Joe Biden Democratic 50-48[22] Mitt Romney / Paul Ryan

1928 Presidential election

Al Smith is the first Catholic presidential candidate in major parties.

In 1928, Al Smith became the first Roman Catholic to gain a major party's nomination for President.[24] His religion became an issue during the campaign and was one of the factors in his loss. Many feared that he would answer to the pope and not the constitution. Another major controversial issue was the continuation of Prohibition. Smith was personally in favor of relaxation or repeal of Prohibition laws despite its status as part of the nation's Constitution, but the Democratic Party split north and south on the issue. During the campaign Smith tried to duck the issue with noncommittal statements. He was also criticized for being a drunkard because of the stereotypes placed on Irish Catholics of the day.[25][26]

Smith swept the entire Catholic vote, which had been split in 1920 and 1924, and brought millions of Catholics to the polls for the first time, especially women. The fact that Smith was Catholic garnered him support from immigrant populations in New England, which may explain his narrow victories in traditionally Republican Massachusetts and Rhode Island, as well as his narrow 2% loss in New York (which previous Democratic presidential candidates had lost by double digits).[27]

1960 Presidential election

John F. Kennedy, 35th President of the United States

Religion became a divisive issue during the presidential campaign of 1960. Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts was vying to become the nation's first Catholic president. A key factor that was hurting Kennedy in his campaign was the widespread prejudice against his Roman Catholic religion; some Protestants believed that, if he were elected President, Kennedy would have to take orders from the Pope in Rome. When offered the opportunity to speak before a convention of Baptist ministers, he decided to try to put the issue to rest.

To address fears that his Roman Catholicism would impact his decision-making, John F. Kennedy famously told the Greater Houston Ministerial Association on September 12, 1960, "I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who also happens to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my Church on public matters — and the Church does not speak for me."[28] He promised to respect the separation of church and state and not to allow Catholic officials to dictate public policy to him. Kennedy also raised the question of whether one-quarter of Americans were relegated to second-class citizenship just because they were Roman Catholic.

Even so, it was widely believed after the election that Kennedy lost some heavily Protestant states because of his Catholicism. His address did not please everyone: many non-Catholics remained unconvinced that a Catholic could be president without divided loyalties; and many Catholics thought he conceded too much in his profession of belief in an "absolute" separation of church and state. The speech is widely considered to be an important marker in the history of Catholicism (and anti-Catholicism) in the United States.

Kennedy went on to win the national popular vote over Richard Nixon by just one tenth of one percentage point (0.1%) - the closest popular-vote margin of the 20th century. In the electoral college, Kennedy's victory was larger, as he took 303 electoral votes to Nixon's 219 (269 were needed to win). There was a “narrow consensus” among the experts that Kennedy had won more votes than he lost as a result of his Catholicism,[29] as Catholics rallied to Kennedy as an affirmation of their religion and their right to have a Catholic president.

Representation in government


Today, Catholics represent 30% of Congress. The current Speaker of the House, John Boehner and the current Minority Leader, Nancy Pelosi, are both Catholic.

Supreme Court

As of 2009, the Supreme Court has a Catholic majority. Catholics represent two-thirds of the Justices on the John Roberts and Samuel Alito, both Catholics. President Barack Obama appointed Catholic Sonia Sotomayor.

The four Catholic Supreme Court justices nominated in the last decade have become reliable votes for abortion restriction. In Webster v. Reproductive Health Services (1989), City of Akron v. Akron Center for Reproductive Health (1990), Hodgson v. Minnesota (1990), and Rust v. Sullivan (1991), Scalia and Kennedy upheld the restrictions in question .

Executive branch

There has only been one Catholic President of the United States, John F. Kennedy. The current Vice President of the United States, Joe Biden, is the first and only Catholic vice president.

Present day

Religion plays a part in American elections. The emergence of gay rights, abortion rights, and current immigration issues have had an impact on voting patterns. Both gay rights, abortion rights, and even the “right to die” have not only tested the values of the Catholic Church, but have united evangelicals and Catholic conservatives.

For Catholics, "pro-life" includes anti-abortion, anti-war, anti-euthanasia, and against capital punishment.[31]

According to Dr. John Green of University of Akron, "There isn't a Catholic vote anymore; there are several Catholic votes." A survey conducted by the Gallup organization in 2009 revealed that, despite the opposition of the Church to abortion and embryonic stem-cell research, there is no significant difference between the opinions of Catholics and non-Catholics on these questions.[32]

Catholic Answers voting guides

In 2004, Catholic Answers, a private, conservative Catholic group with no official connection to the USCCB, published its Voter's Guide for Serious Catholics.[33] It also published Voter's Guide for Serious Christians for non-Catholics.[34] In 2006, it revamped the guides and published them on its Catholic Answers Action web site.[35]

LGBT rights

The Roman Catholic Church defines marriage as a covenant "by which a man and a woman establish between themselves a partnership of the whole of life and which is ordered by its nature to the good of the spouses and the procreation and education of offspring."[36] The church teaches that "homosexual acts are intrinsically disordered. They are contrary to the natural law. They close the sexual act to the gift of life. They do not proceed from a genuine affective and sexual complementarity. Under no circumstances can they be approved."[37] Nevertheless, homosexuals "must be accepted with respect, compassion, and sensitivity. Every sign of unjust discrimination in their regard should be avoided."[37] Some Roman Catholics take this to mean that voting in favor of "benefits for lifelong partners" is a compassionate act, whereas others see voting in favor of "benefits for lifelong partners" as merely promoting behavior contrary to natural law. According to a 2009 survey, 59% of practicing Catholics oppose same-sex marriage, while those who are not practicing support it by 51%.[38] Cardinal John Joseph O'Connor was an outspoken critic of homosexuality; other prominent Catholics who were outspoken critics have included John Boehner, David Vitter, Paul Ryan, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Bobby Jindal, Jeb Bush, Bob McDonnell, Marco Rubio, Michael Steele, Donald Carcieri, Sam Brownback, and Democrat Tim Kaine. Catholics Rudolph Giuliani, Chris Christie, and Bob Casey, Jr. have supported gay rights and civil unions but not same-sex marriage. Liberal Catholics have generally supported repeal of sodomy laws that called for jail time for homosexuals and Employment Non-Discrimination laws that would prohibit large employers from firing workers because of sexual orientation. Conservative Catholics have taken the contrary view, rejecting claims that these are examples of "unjust discrimination" and that because homosexuality is an intrinsic evil, it must always be opposed.[39]


In accordance with its teachings, the Catholic Church opposes abortion in all circumstances and often leads the national debate on abortion.[40] The Roman Catholic Church has been a fierce opponent of liberalized abortion laws and has organized political resistance to such legislation in several Western countries.

Before the

  • United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB)
  • Catholic Bishops' Conference and Vatican Statements on Abortion
  • NETWORK, A National Catholic Social Justice Lobby

External links

  • Gleason, Philip. "The Historiography of American Catholicism as Reflected in The Catholic Historical Review, 1915–2015." Catholic Historical Review 101#2 (2015) pp: 156-222. online
  • Thomas, J. Douglas. "A Century of American Catholic History." US Catholic Historian (1987): 25-49. in JSTOR


  • Blanshard, Paul. American Freedom and Catholic Power (Beacon Press, 1949) online, influential Protestant attack on Catholic political power
  • Brenner, Saul. "Patterns of Jewish-Catholic Democratic Voting and the 1960 Presidential Vote." Jewish Social Studies (1964): 169-178. in JSTOR
  • Byrnes, Timothy A. Catholic bishops in American politics (Princeton University Press, 1991)
  • Casey, Shaun A. The Making of a Catholic President: Kennedy vs. Nixon 1960 (Oxford University Press, 2009) online
  • Cooney, John. The American Pope: The Life and Times of Francis Cardinal Spellman (1984).
  • Flynn, George Q. Roosevelt and Romanism: Catholics and American Diplomacy, 1937-1945 (1976) online
  • Green, John Clifford. The faith factor: How religion influences American elections (Greenwood, 2007)
  • Heineman, Kenneth J. A Catholic New Deal: Religion and Reform in Depression Pittsburgh (2005) excerpt and text search; online
  • Hennesey, James. American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (Oxford University Press, 1981), puts politics in context
  • Heyer, Kristin E.; Rozell, Mark J.; Genovese, Michael A. Catholics and politics: the dynamic tension between faith and power (Georgetown University Press, 2008). online
  • Jelen, Ted G. "Catholic priests and the political order: The political behavior of Catholic pastors." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 42.4 (2003): 591-604.
  • McAndrews, Lawrence J. What They Wished For: American Catholics and American Presidents, 1960-2004 (University of Georgia Press; 2014) 503 pages; influence of Catholics on domestic and foreign policy
  • Marlin George J. and Michael Barone. American Catholic Voter: Two Hundred Years Of Political Impact (2006)
  • Moore, Edmund A. A Catholic Runs for President: The Campaign of 1928 (1956) online
  • Noll, Mark A. and Luke E. Harlow. Religion and American Politics: From the Colonial Period to the Present (2nd ed. 2007) online pp 244-66, 345-66
  • Prendergast, William B. The Catholic Voter in American Politics: The Passing of the Democratic Monolith (Georgetown University Press. 1999)
  • Schultz, Jeffrey D. et al. eds. Encyclopedia of Religion in American Politics (1999) online
  • Smith, Gregory Allen. Politics in the Parish: The Political Influence of Catholic Priests (Georgetown University Press, 2008) online
  • Wald, Kenneth D., and Allison Calhoun-Brown. Religion and politics in the United States (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2010) wide-ranging
  • Zeitz, Joshua M. White ethnic New York: Jews, Catholics, and the shaping of postwar politics (Univ of North Carolina Press, 2007)

Further reading

  1. ^ CARA's New Book Identifies Trends in U.S. Catholic Church, Catholicism USA
  2. ^ 2009The Official Catholic Directory.
  3. ^ Donald T. Critchlow, Intended Consequences: Birth Control, Abortion, and the Federal Government in Modern America (2001) p. 196
  4. ^ Davenport, Caral (16 June 2015). "Pope's Views on Climate Change Add Pressure to Catholic Candidates". New York Times. Retrieved 18 June 2015. 
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p CARA, "Presidential Votes of Catholics: Estimates from Various Sources"
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h Silk, Mark; Walsh, Andrew (2008-11-03). "A Past Without a Future?". America. Retrieved March 26, 2011. 
  7. ^ "CARROLL, Daniel, (1730 - 1796)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. United States Congress. Retrieved 2008-10-03. 
  8. ^ "CARROLL, Charles (of Carrollton), (1737 - 1832)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. United States Congress. Retrieved 2008-10-03. 
  9. ^ Immigrants and Immigration, Americans at War, Macmillan Reference USA
  10. ^ Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy (1993) p. 273. Apart from the formation in 1897 of a Polish National Catholic Church, there were no alternative Catholic denominations formed for immigrants. By contrast the Lutherans formed numerous denominations in the U.S.
  11. ^ Steven P. Erie, Rainbow's end: Irish-Americans and the dilemmas of urban machine politics, 1840-1985 (1990)
  12. ^ a b Kleppner (1979)
  13. ^ Rerum novarum
  14. ^ Terry Matthews: Catholicism in Nineteenth Century America, Lectures for Religion, Wake Forrest University
  15. ^ Howard, J. Paul. "Cross-Border Reflections, Parents’ Right to Direct Their Childrens’ Education Under the U.S. and Canadian Constitutions", Education Canada, v41 n2 p36-37 Sum 2001.
  16. ^  
  17. ^ ""Dorothy Day, Prophet of Pacifism for the Catholic Church"" from "Houston Catholic Worker" newspaper, October 1997
  18. ^ "List of Catholic Worker Communities". Retrieved 2008-11-30. 
  19. ^ Heyer, Kristin E.; Rozell, Mark J.; Genovese, Michael A. (2008). Catholics and politics: the dynamic tension between faith and power. Georgetown University Press. p. 17.  
  20. ^ a b c d Prendergast, William B. The Catholic vote in American politics. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press.  
  21. ^ "Voters split on Obama, McCain by religion, religious practice". Catholic Star-Herald, the Diocese of Camden. 2008-11-06. Retrieved March 26, 2011. 
  22. ^ a b "President: Full Results". CNN. 2012-11-07. Retrieved November 7, 2012. 
  23. ^ a b c d e f g h i j George J. Marlin and Michael Barone, American Catholic Voter: Two Hundred Years Of Political Impact (2006)
  24. ^ Hostetler, (1998).
  25. ^ DeGregorio, (1984).
  26. ^ Lichtman (1979)
  27. ^ Rice, Arnold S. (1972). The Ku Klux Klan in American Politics. Haskell House Publishers.  
  28. ^ Kennedy, John F. (2002-06-18). "Address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association". American Rhetoric. Retrieved 2007-09-17. 
  29. ^ New York Times, November 20, 1960, Section 4, p. E5
  30. ^ A Catholic Court? Let the Arguments Begin, Politics Daily
  31. ^ [2]
  32. ^ "Catholics Similar to Mainstream on Abortion, Stem Cells". 2009-03-30. Retrieved 2010-02-09. 
  33. ^ Voter's Guide for Serious Catholics
  34. ^ Voter's Guide for Serious Christians
  35. ^ Catholic Online. "Some issues morally ‘non-negotiable,’ says ’06 Catholic voter’s guide - U.s. - Catholic Online". Retrieved 2010-09-03. 
  36. ^ "CIC". 1055 §1. 
  37. ^ a b  
  38. ^ "Majority Continues To Support Civil Unions". The Pew Forum on Religious and Public Life. 
  39. ^ Peddicord, Richard (1996). Gay and Lesbian Rights: A Question--sexual Ethics Or Social Justice?. Rowman & Littlefield. p. ix.  
  40. ^ "Pro-Life Activities - The Catholic Church is a Pro-Life Church". USCCB. Retrieved 2010-09-03. 
  41. ^ a b The making of pro-life activists: how social movement mobilization works By Ziad W. Munson
  42. ^ "Cardinal Ratzinger Orders Kerry Communion Ban". 2004-07-06. Retrieved 2010-02-07. 
  43. ^ Goodstein, Laurie (2004-05-20). "Democrats Criticize Denial of Communion by Bishops". The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-07-11. 
  44. ^ "89 Catholic Bishops Speak Out: In This Election, Abortion is the Defining Issue". ChristianNewsWire. 
  45. ^ "Patrick Kennedy Denied Holy Communion by Catholic Church". 2009-11-22. Retrieved 2010-02-07. 
  46. ^ Humphrey, Michael (2008-11-07). "The Catholic Vote: Complex, significant but no realignment". National Catholic Reporter. Retrieved 2009-04-24. 
  47. ^ "More Americans "Pro-Life" Than "Pro-Choice" for First Time". Retrieved 2010-09-03. 
  48. ^ Meehan, Seth (March 15, 2012). "Catholics and Contraception". The New York Times. 
  49. ^ Grady, Denise (January 29, 2012). "Ruling on Contraception Draws Battle Lines at Catholic Colleges". The New York Times. 
  50. ^ Cassata, Donna (February 9, 2012). "Obama Birth Control Mandate Divides Democrats". The Associated Press. 
  51. ^ Newcomb, Alyssa (February 11, 2012). "Contraception Compromise Doesn’t Please Bishops". ABC News. 
  52. ^ Rachel Zoll, "Immigration Reform Splits Catholics, GOP" April 22, 2006The Associated Press
  53. ^ Zoll, "Immigration Reform Splits Catholics, GOP" April 22, 2006]
  54. ^ a b "The Political Obligations of Catholics", Pew Research Center
  55. ^ Pew Forum (February 2008). "U.S. Religious Landscape Survey: Religious Affiliation: Diverse and Dynamic" (PDF). “Catholicism has experienced the greatest net losses as a result of affiliation changes. While nearly one-in-three Americans (31%) were raised in the Catholic faith, today fewer than one-in-four (24%) describe themselves as Catholic. These losses would have been even more pronounced were it not for the offsetting impact of immigration. The Landscape Survey finds that among the foreign-born adult population, Catholics outnumber Protestants by nearly a two-to-one margin (46% Catholic vs. 24% Protestant); among native-born Americans, on the other hand, Protestants outnumber Catholics by an even larger margin (55% Protestant vs. 21% Catholic).” (p. 6).

    “...the Catholic share of the U.S. adult population has held fairly steady in recent decades, at around 25%. What this apparent stability obscures, however, is the large number of people who have left the Catholic Church. Approximately one-third of the survey respondents who say they were raised Catholic no longer describe themselves as Catholic. This means that roughly 10% of all Americans are former Catholics. These losses, however, have been partly offset by the number of people who have changed their affiliation to Catholicism (2.6% of the adult population) but more importantly by the disproportionately high number of Catholics among immigrants to the U.S.” (p. 7).
  56. ^ Donald Kerwin (2006-05-08). "Immigration reform: what the Catholic Church knows". Catholic Legal Immigration Network, Inc. Archived from the original on 2007-04-21. Retrieved 2007-05-11. 
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  58. ^ "Cardinal Mahony speaks out on immigration reform".  
  59. ^ "Catholic Church officials spurn immigration reform plan".  


  • Casey, Shaun. The Making of a Catholic President: Kennedy vs. Nixon 1960 (2009)
  • Cochran, Clarke E. and David Carroll Cochran. Catholics, Politics, and Public Policy: Beyond Left and Right (2003)
  • Dolan, Jay. The Irish Americans: A History (2008)
  • Heyer, Kristin E., Mark J. Rozell, and Michael A. Genovese. Catholics and Politics: The Dynamic Tension Between Faith and Power (2008)
  • Marlin, George J., and Michael Barone, American Catholic Voter: Two Hundred Years Of Political Impact (2006)
  • Morris, Charles. American Catholic: The Saints and Sinners Who Built America's Most Powerful Church (1998)
  • Prendergast, William B. The Catholic Voter in American Politics: The Passing of the Democratic Monolith (1999)
  • Woolner, David B., and Richard G. Kurial. FDR, the Vatican, and the Roman Catholic Church in America, 1933-1945 (2003)


See also

In 2006, Cardinal Roger Mahony controversially announced that he would order the clergy and laity of the Archdiocese of Los Angeles to ignore H.R. 4437 if it were to become law.[56] Cardinal Mahony personally lobbied senators Barbara Boxer and Dianne Feinstein to have the Senate consider a comprehensive immigration reform bill, rather than the enforcement-only bill that passed the House of Representatives.[57] Cardinal Mahony also blamed the Congress for the illegal immigration crisis due to their failure to act on the issue in the previous 20 years, opposed H.R. 4437 as punitive and open to abusive interpretation, and supported S. 2611.[58][59]

Most immigration to the U.S. is from predominantly Roman Catholic nations and about ¾ of all lapsed Catholics have been replaced by immigrant Catholics in the United States.[55]

In addressing the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life in 2009, Archbishop Charles J. Chaput of Denver discussed the need when talking about reforming immigration law, to do so " a comprehensive way, so that justice is done and our borders are protected. It’s always both/and; it’s not either/or from my perspective." [54] "[N]o one can claim to be Catholic and think it’s okay to treat immigrants unjustly or inhumanly. But you can disagree on immigration policies because you think that one works and one doesn’t."[54]

The immigration debate has opened a chasm with Republican hardliners who want restrictions.[52] Some 30% of the Roman Catholic population is Hispanic and that percentage continues to rise steadily. Pope John Paul II advocated that countries should accommodate people fleeing from economic hardship. Cardinal Raymond Burke has been involved in rallies to allow undocumented workers a chance at citizenship. By welcoming migrant workers, many of whom are Catholic, Burke says, "we obey the command of Our Lord, who tells us that when we welcome the stranger, we welcome Christ Himself."[53]


In 2012, when the Obama administration proposed regulations that required employer-provided health insurance plans to cover contraception, Catholic companies such as affiliated universities and EWTN Broadcasting, which believed they should be exempt from the law, sued the government, while Catholic religious leaders campaigned against it in church.[49][50] The regulation was later altered so that an employee of a religious institution which did not wish to provide coverage for reproductive health care could seek it directly from the insurer at no additional cost. Catholic religious authorities continued to oppose the plan, while the Catholic Health Association supported it.[51]

In 1948, Archbishop Richard Cushing campaigned against a Massachusetts referendum to loosen the state's ban on birth control. While the referendum failed, "deployment of the Church’s political muscle," according to historian Leslie Tentler, offended non-Catholics and led Cushing to relax his position when the issue was debated again in the 1960s.[48]

Birth control

Polling shows an increase in the number of Catholics classifying themselves as pro-life; a 2009 poll showed a 52% majority identifying as pro-life.[47]

Some Catholic commentators viewed the 54-45% majority of Catholic voters choosing Obama in the 2008 presidential election as a repudiation of certain bishops who had warned that voting for Obama, a pro-choice candidate, could constitute a grave sin.[46] A dispute within the Church arose when the University of Notre Dame, a Catholic institution, named President Barack Obama commencement speaker at its 2009 graduation and bestowed an honorary doctorate degree on him. The invitation drew intense criticism from conservative Catholics and some conservative members of the church hierarchy because of Obama's policies in favor of legal and funding abortion.

In November 2009, Rhode Island Rep. Patrick Kennedy disclosed that Bishop Thomas Tobin had ordered priests in the diocese not to give him communion because of Kennedy's position in favor of unrestricted abortion.[45] Other bishops, archbishops and cardinals however have not denied communion to pro-choice politicians.

In the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign, as many as 89 Catholic bishops proclaimed that Catholics should make abortion their defining issue in the election.[44]

During the 2004 presidential campaign, a few bishops called for Catholic politicians who voted for Kerry to be barred from receiving Communion.[43] This tactic provoked a negative reaction which caused the Catholic Church to adopt a different approach for the 2008 election. The new message was compiled into a brochure titled "Forming Consciences for Faithful Citizenship," which "emphasized that issues involving 'intrinsically evil' actions could not be equated morally with others," according to the Times. The brochure cited abortion as the "prime example," but also mentioned euthanasia, torture, genocide, unjust war and racism.

In 2004, Cardinal Burke and Charles Chaput, Archbishop of Philadelphia, have made statements against giving communion but neither has ever refused someone.

Some Catholics have raised questions of pro-choice politicians receiving communion. Such cases have typically involved a bishop threatening to deny a Catholic politician communion, though in some cases excommunication has been suggested and in others a bishop has instructed a politician not to take communion. The first such case was that of Lucy Killea, though such threats have subsequently been made in national elections.

Bob Casey, Jr. and Raymond Flynn, Sargent Shriver other pro-life Democrats including, Robert P. Casey, Sr. the pro-life wing of the Democratic Party was also led by Catholic [41]

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